In the storms raging in the world of that day, those who needed the support of the Kurds did not ask for it unconditionally. Nor did the Kurds provide unconditional support.

"Article 1 of the Amasya Protocol No. 2, in Mustafa Kemal's press statement in Izmit on January 16/17, 1923, clearly explains the commitments made in the autonomy decision taken at the Grand National Assembly of Turkey's session on February 10, 1922." The Kurds supported the national struggle with an expectation and a commitment. Let's say the Kurds were overcome with emotion and gave unconditional support to the Turkish national struggle; who could demand that this support last forever, or who could give this support unconditionally? Moreover, regardless of the social standing of those who want to give unconditional support, the Kurds would abandon the person(s) behind such an initiative. "Some people's attempts to recall the state's hundred-year-old memory are not very meaningful, because Turkey has sufficient democratic and academic experience to solve the Kurdish issue, and it also has the capacity to overcome the problem. If there is political morality. If no one sends confusing signals.

Irresponsible people (in Jîrik Kurdish) who advise the state, as if they have rediscovered the world, are dividing the issue into two parts: the Kurdish issue and the external Kurdish issue, as if the social, political, cultural, economic, administrative problems of the Kurds have been solved in the internal Kurdish issue, and the Kurds have been integrated into the system, and the only obstacle is the external Kurds. They pretend to be righteous while being unjust, denying the truth through interpretation; whenever signs of Kurdish self-governance appear in the four parts of Kurdistan, these advisors try to thwart their demands. The most correct thing for Kurds in such situations is to act without regard to regional differences, without using ideological differences as a reason for standing apart, and to avoid the instability created by this storm." They need to claim ownership of the gains the Kurds have achieved in the current climate. Otherwise, it will be difficult to achieve gains (perhaps crumbs) in the new atmosphere that will emerge after the storm.

What they are doing is nothing but a waste of time for both Turks and Kurds. In Turkey's first century, the country was governed without considering the religious, ethnic, and cultural differences of its people; in its second century, it is trying to repeat the first century without considering the secular, democratic sensitivities of its people. Such a repetition is painful for the Academia and the intellectuals who represent the cultural accumulation and conscience of this society. If this intellectual pain is not taken into account by political powers, an understanding that neutralizes and pacifies its own intellectuals will barren the society and the country.

Middle Eastern states have been trying to solve their internal and regional problems for a hundred years. I think what is overlooked is this: Some states are established as centralized states, but continue their existence as decentralized states for their own well-being. Another point is that trying to solve problems, develop, and change in the Middle East without considering the Kurds is impossible. Transforming their countries will not allow them to make progress in their efforts to become democratic states governed by the rule of law. Until now, especially the wealthy countries of the Middle East have bought patronage with money, bought a good image, and engaged in checkbook diplomacy. Such policies, far from providing fundamental solutions to problems, create a political moral problem. The developed Western world is creating new storms in the world to eliminate the failed giants it perceives as a risk. The impact of the approaching storm and worst-case scenarios seems likely to be felt more intensely in the Middle East. Every sensible Middle Eastern politician and statesman should work intensively to ensure their country is affected as little as possible by the coming storm.

I think and hope that MHP leader Devlet Bahçeli has developed his recent rhetoric while being aware of the approaching storm and worst-case scenarios. However, whatever the reason, the fact that these statements are made by Devlet Bahçeli (even if he has a hidden agenda) is very important and valuable. If those who are proclaiming or having these statements made are sincere in their thoughts, they should add articles on virtues such as spirit, conscience, and morality to the constitution. First and foremost... They must stop taking away the Kurds' right to vote and be elected (appointing trustees in place of elected mayors, and not interfering with the right of hundreds of Kurdish politicians, including Selahattin Demirtaş, to engage in politics, even if they don't like them or their ideas). Another important element is that this problem should be solved not by making calls for disarmament, but by finding a zipper method. They should not act authoritatively, try to reform anyone, and their task should be to prepare public opinion to create a sterile dialogue ground by leaving historical baggage behind.